By Rabbi Meir Kahane

The Qur'an 17:104 - states the land belongs to the Jewish people

By Rabbi Meir Kahane
By Rabbi Meir Kahane
You can now read online "They Must Go", the classic book written by the greatest Jewish leader in modern history, HaRav Meir Kahane zt"l hy"d. The entire book is now available for reading free of charge. In this magnificent work, Rabbi Kahane brilliantly explains how a Kahanist government would encourage the millions of Arab Muslim Nazis who live in the Land of Israel to permanently leave.

Click here to read Rabbi Kahane's powerful literary masterpiece



THEY MUST GO









Contents





Preface
1

Introduction
Arabs and Jews—Only Separation
5

Chapter 1
Togetherness in Israel
11

Chapter 2
Coexisting with the "Palestinians"
25

Chapter 3
Of Declarations and Independence
53

Chapter 4
Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons
(and Daughters)

75

Chapter 5
The Demon of Demography
99

Chapter 6
The Ultimate Contradiction
117

Chapter 7
One Worlds
141

Chapter 8
Our Fathers' Children
175

Chapter 9
Time Runs Out
195

Chapter 10
Separation—Only Separation
227

Conclusion
But There is a G-d in Israel
267


Index
277




Preface




Ramle city. A motley mix of some 40,000 Middle Eastern br

residents, all but 5,000 of whom are Jews from Arab lands. It is br

not a pretty city, and the main street is a garish potpourri of fast- br

food shops with loud music blaring from loudspeakers. Off to- br

ward the edge of the city, where it meets its sister town of Lydda, br

stands the Ramle prison. It is the maximum security prison in br

Israel, and its grim gray walls with barbed-wire coils at the top br

are capped by sentry boxes set every fifty yards. In this prison, br

with its more than 700 murderers, rapists, robbers, and Arab br

terrorists, I wrote this book.

It was on the evening of May 13, 1980 that they came for br

me: four plainclothesmen with a piece of paper, an un- br

precedented Administrative Detention Order mandating my im- br

prisonment for six months without trial or charges. And so Ram- br

le Prison, the prison I had driven past so many times, the one br

vaguely suggesting a Hollywood movie prison out of the thirties br

and forties, became my home.

My particular “home” was a tiny cell, some six by nine feet br

in size, in Wing Nine. My immediate neighbor to my left was a br

veteran Yemeni Jewish criminal named Adani, who was serving br

the last part of a fifteen-year sentence for armed robbery. On my br

right was a Bedouin Arab, imprisoned for the rape and murder br

of a Jewish girl in the Negev area of the country. The possibility br

of his having been apprehended would have been slim if not for br

the fact that he added greed to his original sin. Having buried br

the body in a well, he applied for the reward by contacting the br

police to say that he had “discovered” it. Incredibly, his life br

1

sentence had been reduced, and he was preparing to go home br

after having served a mere eighteen years.

There were some seventy prisoners in the wing, fifty-eight br

of them Jewish. Of those, the overwhelming majority were Jews br

from Eastern or Arab lands, Sephardim. Perhaps more than any- br

thing else, this is the accusing finger that points at the Israeli br

Establishment, for what the Muslims could not do during more br

than 1,000 years of domination of the Jews in their lands, the br

Jewish Establishment of Israel accomplished in less than 25: the br

spiritual destruction of hundreds of thousands of Sephardic Jews br

who came to the Holy Land with their religion, Zionism, and br

basic Jewish values. Less than three decades later, they were br

deep into crime, violence, drugs, prostitution, and pell-mell emi- br

gration from the country. In my wing alone there were four br

Yemeni Jewish murderers. I doubt that there had been a total of br

four Jewish murders in the 2,000 years of exile in Yemen. . . .

The greatest enemy of modern man is boredom. In prison, br

it can drive men mad. And so I instituted a stiff, disciplined br

daily regimen of study and writing that would keep me busy br

from early morning (4:30 A.M.) until lights-out (midnight). br

This schedule included regular study not only of Bible, Talmud, br

and Law but also of other writings of various kinds. I have, for br

example, been creating a biblical commentary for the past ten br

years, and, ironically, never did I have so much time—and peace br

and quiet—to work on it as in prisons. It is a labor of love, and br

I spent many hours on it, daily, while in Ramle.

That in itself gives more than a passing clue to the attitude br

of the prison guards and officials toward me. It goes without br

saying that the Jewish prisoners treated me with respect and br

admiration. Not only did I represent, in the eyes of these Jews br

from Arab lands, opposition to the Establishment they so hated, br

but they had a genuine gut feeling that the Arab poses a terrible br

threat to Jews within Israel. No Ashkenazic Jew from Europe br

can really appreciate this, for he has not lived with an Arab br

majority. He has not tasted the bitter dregs of Jewish minority br

status under Muslim rule.

Even more significant, the average guard was over- br

whelmingly sympathetic to me. It was clear to all that I was not br

an ordinary criminal and that I had been imprisoned for my br

ideas—ideas that so many of those guards, as well as Jews br

2

THEY MUST GO

Preface

3


throughout the country privately espoused. Therefore, I was al- br

lowed as many books as I wished, things that I could not have br

done without while writing my commentaries.

And that is the key to the writing of this book. It would have br

been impossible to write the manuscript, with all its facts, dates, br

incidents, quotes, and names, had the prison officials not al- br

lowed me to bring in all my private papers and newspaper clip- br

pings. It is thanks to them that this book was written, a fact they br

knew about and to which they conveniently closed their official br

eyes.

Cell 23 in Wing Nine of Ramle Prison was, thus, the scene br

of many hours each day, many days a week, more than two br

continuous months of writing. I had no typewriter, and so each br

page had to be handwritten. Moreover, never knowing when the br

authorities might change their attitude and confiscate the work, br

I smuggled out each chapter as it was finished and thus never br

had the opportunity to look back at what I had written. Never- br

theless, I gained strength through the encouragement of the oth- br

er prisoners. On the door of my cell I had placed a large Hebrew br

sign that read: “How good it is to be a good Jew.” Every time br

a prisoner passed, he would shout the message out to me and br

smile. Indeed. “How good it is to be a good Jew.”

Meir Kahane



Introduction: Arabs and Jews—
Only Separation



“The State of Israel . . . will ensure complete equality of social br

and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race br

or sex. . . .

“We appeal . . . to the Arab inhabitants of the State of Is- br

rael to preserve peace and participate in the upbuilding of the br

state on the basis of full and equal citizenship.” (Declaration of Inde- br

pendence, State of Israel, 5 Iyar 5708 [May 14, 1948])

“Today, I am in the minority. The state is democratic. Who br

says that in the year 2000 we Arabs will still be the minority: br

Today I accept the fact that this is a Jewish state with an Arab br

minority. But when we are the majority, I will not accept the fact of a br

Jewish state with an Arab majority.” (Na’ama Saud, teacher from br

the Israeli Arab village of Araba, May 28, 1976)

“Let the leaders of the Zionist movement . . . find their na- br

tion some uninhabited country.” (Arab writer Issat Darwazeh in br

the Haifa Arabic newspaper Al-Karmel, 1921)

“And the L-rd said unto Abram . . . Lift up now thine eyes br

and look from the place where thou art, northward and south- br

ward and eastward and westward. For all the land which thou br

seest, to thee will I give it and to thy seed forever.” (Genesis br

13:14-15)

“We do not recognize the right which you call ‘historic’ of br

the Jewish people to this land—this is our fundamental br

principle. . . . In this land only the Palestinian Arab people have br

historic right.” (Mahmud Muhareb, chairman of the Arab Stu- br

dent Committee, Hebrew University in Jerusalem 1978)

“And if you will not drive out the inhabitants of the land br

from before you, then those that you let remain of them shall be br

thorns in your eyes and thistles in your sides and shall torment br

you in the land wherein you dwell.” (Numbers 33:55)

5

Some years ago I was arrested by the Israeli police and br

charged with “incitement to revolution.” The grounds? I had br

reached the conclusion that it was impossible to find a solution br

for the Arab-Jewish confrontation in the Land of Israel (both the br

State of Israel and the lands liberated in 1967); that the Jewish br

state was inevitably headed toward a situation like that in br

Northern Ireland; that the only possible way to avoid or to br

mitigate it was the emigration of Arabs. Consequently, I had br

sent letters to several thousand Arabs offering them an op- br

portunity (funds and visas) to emigrate voluntarily. The fact br

that many Arabs replied positively and that a major Arab vil- br

lage in the Galilee, Gush Halev, offered to move all its inhabit- br

ants to Canada in return for a village there did not prevent the br

worried Israeli government from arresting me.

Four long years and one important war later, a scandal br

broke in Israel. It was revealed that Yisrael Koenig, a high of- br

ficial in the Ministry of the Interior who is in charge of the br

northern region of Israel, had drafted a secret memorandum in br

which he warned of the increasing danger of Arab growth br

(which would make Arabs in the Galilee a majority by 1978) as br

well as of increasing Arab national militancy. His solution in- br

cluded several measures that he hoped would lead to Arab emi- br

gration.

The pity is that vital years have passed since my original br

proposal, wasted years that saw the Yom Kippur War produce br

a major psychological change in Arab thinking. In the aftermath br

of that war and its political consequences, vast numbers of Ar- br

abs, who in 1972 were depressed and convinced that Israeli sov- br

ereignty could not be destroyed, are today just as convinced that br

time is on their side, that it will not be long before the Zionist br

state collapses. Then they—the Arabs—will hold sway over all br

that will be “Palestine.” The necessary corollary is, of course, br

that hundreds of thousands who were potential voluntary émi- br

grés nine years ago are now determined to stay and await br

the day of Arab victory. But they must go.

It is in order to convince the Jew of this that I have written br

this book.

The problem with so many people who proclaim the virtues br

of coexistence between the Jewish majority of the Jewish state br

and its Arab minority is that they hold the Arab, as well as his br

6

intelligence, and his national pride, in contempt.

There is an ultimately insoluble contradiction between a br

Jewish state of Israel that is the fulfillment of the 2,000-year-old br

Jewish-Zionist dream and a state in which Arabs and Jews br

possess equal rights—including the right of the Arabs democrat- br

ically and peacefully to put an end to the Jewish state. Those br

who refuse to give the Arab that right but tell him he is equal br

think he is a fool. He is not.

The reality of the situation is, therefore, clear. The Jews br

and Arabs of the Land of Israel ultimately cannot coexist in a br

Jewish-Zionist state. A time bomb in the Holy Land ticks away br

relentlessly.

A Jewish state means Jewish orientation and ties. It means br

Jewish culture and a Jewish spirit in the Jewish body politic. But br

above all, a Jewish state means Jewish sovereignty and control of br

its destiny. That can be accomplished only by a permanent Jew- br

ish majority and a small, insignificant, and placid Arab minor- br

ity. But the Arabs believe that the Jews are thieves who stole br

their land. The Arabs feel no ties to or emotions for a state that br

breathes “Jewishness.” And they grow, quantitatively and qual- br

itatively. They will surely make violent demands for more br

power, including “autonomy” in various parts of the land. Even- br

tually, the very majorityship of Jews will be threatened by the br

Arab birthrate. The result will be bloody conflict.

If we hope to avoid this terrible result, there is only one br

path for us to take: the immediate transfer of Arabs from Eretz br

Yisrael, the Land of Israel, to their own lands. For Arabs and br

Jews of Eretz Yisrael there is only one answer: separation, Jews br

in their land, Arabs in theirs. Separation. Only separation.

I know only too well what the reaction of the vast majority br

of people will be to my words. Indeed, it is being completed even br

as I sit in Ramle Prison. My real crime is my ideas concerning br

the awful danger that exists to the State of Israel because of the br

very presence of its large and growing number of Arab citizens. br

My real threat to the very confused and frightened government br

is that my ideas are quietly shared by hundreds of thousands of br

Jews in Israel who, in anger and frustration, now move to sup- br

port me and give me the power to make my ideas a force in the br

land.

My ideas are not only suppressed by the government but br

7

twisted, defamed, and subjected to emotional and hysterical br

diatribes by people who are too frightened to consider them in- br

telligently or to debate them intellectually. It is far easier to br

shout “Fascist!” or “Racist!” than to think. It is ironic, though br

I suppose inevitable, that those whose “Jewishness” is irrelevant br

to them and who lack scholarly knowledge of “Jewish values” br

should shout at me, “Un-Jewish!”

If one wants to know what Jewish values are, the place to br

search for them is not in Karl Marx or Edmund Burke or Thom- br

as Jefferson. Jewish values are found in Jewish sources, most of br

which are vast wildernesses unexplored by the hysterical critics br

who have suddenly discovered “Jewish” morality.

I love the Jewish people and the Jewish state, and it is be- br

cause of this that I preach the words I do. I am committed to br

Judaism and real Jewish values, and every word in this book— br

disagreeable as it may be to most—is Judaism.

It is a human failing to be unwilling to think about, let br

alone acknowledge, uncomfortable realities. Painful decisions br

are delayed and painful problems avoided. That which is un- br

bearably difficult to contemplate is put out of mind, denied, and br

we think that to look away will make the problem go away. It is br

a human delusion that we Jews—so eager to find peace and br

tranquility after centuries of suffering—have developed to the br

finest of arts.

But the Arab problem will not go away, because the very existence of br

the Jewish state creates it.

And precisely because the reality is so painful and so clearly br

threatening to the very foundation of the Zionist-Jewish state, br

Jews make haste to delude themselves with patent nonsense and br

cosmetic camouflage. The Arab-Jewish problem in the State of br

Israel threatens the very philosophy and most deeply held beliefs br

of Jews. It lays bare the glaring foolishness and misconceptions br

upon which political Zionism is based. Worst of all, for the secu- br

lar, Western-oriented Jew, it clearly and inexorably forces him br

to choose between Western liberal democracy and a Jewish state.

I do not wish to lose the Jewish state through either war or peace. I br

do not wish to see Arabs or Jews killed in the Land of Israel, but br

many, many will die, I fear. And if it happens, it will not be br

because we will have done what I call for, but rather because we br

will not have done it. And so, let there not be hysteria or br

8

vituperation or blind refusal to listen, but rather patience to read br

these pages and honesty in evaluating them. Finally, let each br

and every Jew ask himself or herself this question: Am I pre- br

pared—given peace and an Arab population growth that will br

make the Arab minority a majority—to allow that majority— br

democratically—to change the name of the state to “Palestine”; br

to abolish the Law of Return, which gives every Jew automatic br

entry and citizenship (and which was the key in Zionist leaders’ br

minds to keeping a Jewish majority); and to end—peacefully br

and democratically—the Jewish state?

The problem is that no Jewish leader in Israel or the Exile br

has the courage to ask the question or to teach it to the Jewish br

people. We avoid it even as we raise our money for the “Jewish” br

state, make our vacation plans for three weeks in the “Jewish” br

state, and sing the “Hatikva” at bar mitzvahs. The problem is br

that no one thinks about the question. The problem is that so few br

think. Dear Jew, do think. It may save the lives of millions. Even br

your own.


Dedicated with awe and love to my late father,
Rabbi Yechezkel Shraga, son of Rabbi Nachman HaKohen,
of blessed memory, who returned his soul to His Maker
8 Adar 5738

9

CHAPTER 1



Togetherness in Israel




“It is a sin for a man to delude his neighbor; it is a crime to delude himself.”
The Rabbi of Kotsk

In 1973, to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the br

State of Israel, the government issued a pamphlet titled Arabs in br

Israel. The introduction to the pamphlet reads as follows:

The Israeli Arabs

Since the creation of the State of Israel its minority br

population has grown from 150,000 to 400,000. During the br

25 years of statehood remarkable accomplishments in many br

fields have been achieved by this minority.

The principle of equal rights for the Arabs of Israel, pro- br

claimed in the Declaration of Independence, has indeed been re- br

alized. The minorities enjoy religious freedom, full voting br

rights and the right of founding political organizations, br

both nationally and locally.

The educational system has developed considerably. br

The number of students and pupils has grown from 10,000 br

on the eve of the foundation of the State, to 125,000 today. br

10,000 students attend secondary schools, and more than br

1,000 study at institutes of higher learning.

The Arab village has changed its face since the cre- br

ation of the State. In the framework of two five-year plans br

basic services were established: roads, water, electricity, br

schools, health centers and other institutions of public in- br

terest. The completion of these services marked the begin- br

ning of the industrialization of the Arab village. Factories br

and workshops, which also employ Arab women, were br

opened; modern, mechanized agricultural systems were in- br

troduced, which enable a more efficient and intensive ex- br

ploitation and thus a higher yield. 45,000 (11,250 acres) br

dunams are now being irrigated by artificial means, as br

11

compared to 8,000 (2,000 acres) dunams before the intro- br

duction of the new systems.

The socio-economic development of this section of the br

population greatly advances its integration into all fields of br

life of the State of Israel.

An idyllic description of Jewish-Arab togetherness in Israel.

It is three years later, March 30, 1976. Nine A.M. The br

Galilee, northern Israel, home of 300,000 Israeli Arabs. The vil- br

lage of Sakhnin, a model of social and economic progress since br

1948. It has good roads, electricity, water, schools, appliances, br

television sets in every home. It has “greatly advanced its inte- br

gration into all fields of life of the State of Israel.”

More than 1,000 equal citizens of Israel—Arabs—are in the br

street facing a small number of police and soldiers. It is “Land br

Day,” and the crowd grows larger by the minute. “Falastin, br

Falastin!” (“Palestine, Palestine!”), the mob roars. Other br

chants and shouts are heard: “The Galilee is Arab!” “We will br

free the Galilee with blood and spirit!” Rocks are suddenly br

thrown in the direction of the soldiers and police. The small br

group of security men stare in disbelief and growing ner- br

vousness. A fiery Molotov cocktail smashes against a wall a few br

yards away. More and heavier stones, flaming torches, lighted br

cans of gasoline, and by now the soldiers are surrounded by a br

growing circle of hate-filled faces. “Our villages do not belong to br

Israel,” shouts a young Arab. “We belong to the State of br

Palestine!”

The Israeli papers report what happened:

“The dams burst. ‘We are all Fatah,’ men and women br

shouted in chorus, even as they threw stones and other objects at br

the police. The police fired warning shots into the air which only br

increased the agitation. The rioters began to move toward the br

police and soldiers, threatening to trample them. Not even the br

pointing of the rifles at them stopped the mob. ‘They’re br

overrunning us,’ the police shouted into their radios” (Maariv, br

March 31, 1976).

“The mob wandered through the main street, raining br

stones, torches, and firebombs on the military and police vehi- br

cles. Some of the excited youth wanted to set up roadblocks. br

Others moved closer to the security forces—with clear intent to br

burn the vehicles. In face of the dangerous situation the soldiers br

12

fired into the air, but it seemed as if no one in that crowd of br

burning passions paid any attention.

“The mob of demonstrators noticed the Israeli force begin- br

ning to withdraw. The large crowd began close pursuit of the br

Israeli forces. Running hysterically, they threw stones and br

roared: ‘Charge them—Eleyhom!’ Thousands moved toward the br

soldiers, and at that critical moment, the commander of the br

force gave orders to fire . . .” (Yediot Aharonot, March 31, 1976).

An Israeli journalist who attempted to get past a roadblock br

in the village was attacked by Arabs shouting: “Get out of here! br

This is Palestine!” He later reported: “It was terrible there. I do br

not remember such chaos since 1948. Every Jew was a candidate br

for murder. I saw them with the lust for murder burning in their br

eyes. Slogans such as ‘Eleyhom’ and ‘Itbach Al-Yahud’ [“slaugh- br

ter the Jews”] are moderate in view of what I heard. From all br

sides came cries for the liquidation of Israel, to destroy all the br

Jews, for a jihad [“holy war”]. It is difficult to believe that br

such a scene could take place in the State of Israel, 1976.”

The journalist added: “Such hatred of the state and the br

Jews is difficult to comprehend. What happened there was not br

mere rioting or chaos. It was a revolt. The Arab revolt of 1976 . . . It br

was a revolt in the full sense of the word” (Maariv, March 31, br

1976).

The revolt spread to villages and towns, throughout the br

Galilee and the “Triangle,” the two main centers of Arab popu- br

lation in Israel. In Sakhnin, Araba, Deir Hanna, Beth Netora, br

Tira, Tayba, Kalansuwa, Kfar Kana, Nazareth, and dozens of br

other places, violence and rioting occurred. For the first time in br

Israel’s existence, its Arab citizens had called a political general br

strike. When quiet was finally restored, six Arabs were dead and br

more than thirty-five Israeli soldiers and police injured. In the br

words of Maariv correspondent Yosef Valter, returning from the br

Arab village of Umm al-Fahm: “It was not pleasant for a Jew to br

wander there. . . .”

The pamphlet issued by the Israeli government in 1973 at- br

tempted to give the impression that the Arabs of Israel feel br

themselves part of the state and that the years since 1948, years br

that have brought them social and economic benefits, have also br

made them loyal to Israel, have made them see their destiny and br

that of the Jewish state as mutual.

13

It is a devoutly desired illusion that every Israeli leader and br

official spreads. It is a persistent delusion that grows louder and br

more frantic, the more obvious its patent falsehood. Together br

with oranges and diamonds, it ranks as one of Israel’s major br

exports, this myth of the loyal, loving Arab of Israel. It is br

shouted forth—to the accompaniment of loud and happy Ameri- br

can Jewish applause—at breakfasts, brunches, lunches, teas, br

dinners, suppers, and other stomach frameworks for fund-rais- br

ing. The soothing legend of “our good Arabs who are equal and br

free and who appreciate and love Israel” is fed, along with liver, br

chicken, and stuffed derma, to the Hadassah’s portly and br

younger suburban matrons, Long Island Jewish Centers, UJA br

and Israel Bond donors, and the ever-aging and ever-fewer “Zi- br

onists” who compose the ranks of the Zionist Organization of br

America. It is adopted by Reform and Conservative rabbis br

whose ignorance of the Israeli scene complements similar lack of br

knowledge of Judaism. It ranks among the hoariest of the leg- br

ends and myths of world Jewry. To look at reality and to think other- br

wise is simply too unbearably painful.

And yet, even the Jerusalem Post was forced to see what was br

before its very eyes. In an article titled “Shattered Illusions” br

(April 2, 1976), the Post’s Yosef Goell wrote: “Part of the Israeli br

Arab community hates Israel with barely veiled, intense ha- br

tred.” True. And one could also add: The greatest part of the br

Israeli Arab community is hostile to and alienated from the state br

and would dearly love to exchange it for a “Palestine.”

What happened? What occurred to “change” the Israeli br

Arabs? What has caused an eruption of sheer hatred against the br

State of Israel by its own Arab citizens? After the Land Day br

revolt, almost everyone asked those questions. Gallons of ink br

and reams of paper and countless words, words, and more br

words were produced in an effort to understand. One could br

almost hear the shattering of the urgently held illusions of nearly br

three decades. Pity. For had people only wished to see, the signs br

were there, and had been there for many years, clear and ob- br

vious. The Arab revolt of 1976 and all the future greater and bloodier br

ones are immutable and inevitable.

There is hatred and hostility on the part of the vast majority br

of Israeli Arabs for the state in which they live. And it is neither br

a recent development nor a limited phenomenon of Land Day, br

14

1976. It takes many forms—words, attitudes, violence. All form br

a picture of a large and growing minority that poses a threat to br

the very existence of the Jewish state—a time bomb ticking br

away. Consider:

•aaaThe majority of the chairmen of Arab local councils in br

Israel—the recognized spokesmen of Israel’s Arabs and the br

touted “moderate” body—on January 20, 1979, approved a res- br

olution “welcoming the struggle of their brethren in the West br

Bank and Gaza Strip against the occupation, annexation, and br

colonialist settlements and expressed their solidarity with the br

struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the br

PLO to establish its independent state.”

•aaaIn the Jerusalem neighborhood of East Talpiot on Novem- br

ber 26, 1979, kindergarten teacher Yael Aviv was playing in a br

small park with the children in her care. Suddenly six Arabs br

appeared, who began throwing stones at the terrified children br

and shouting: “Jews, go home!” A group of young girls across br

the street burst into hysterics and it took an hour to calm them. br

Said the teacher: “I will not take the children there anymore. br

That is enough for me.” Said Sara Graetz, a resident and a sur- br

vivor of the Holocaust: “I would have never believed that this br

could occur in an independent Jewish state.” As this was hap- br

pening, the family of Binyamin Sachar was recovering from an br

attack on their automobile as they drove through the Arab vil- br

lage of Bet Tzafafa, at Jerusalem’s southern edge. Stones br

smashed the windows of the car and a shaken Sachar said: “I br

never thought that here in Jerusalem I would have to worry br

about attacks.”

•aaaThe head of Israel’s northern command, General Avigdor br

Ben-Gal, told an interviewer in the army magazine Bamachane br

(September 1979) that numerous Jewish settlements in the br

Galilee had turned to him with requests for protection from local br

Arabs. The Jews claimed that “they feel themselves isolated and br

asked for Israeli forces to protect them.” Numerous incidents of br

Arab attacks on persons and property were listed. Ben-Gal ap- br

proved the paving of parallel roads to Jewish settlements so that the Jewish br

settlers would not have to pass through Arab villages at night.

•aaa“Lately I hear, even from the most moderate of Arabs, br

open statements such as: ‘Get ready. Soon you will have to move br

out of your house. We will get your house and the houses of all br

15

the Jews of the Galilee. It is ours! All the Galilee is ours.’” The br

speaker is Micha Goldman, thirty, the young chairman of the br

Jewish settlements in the Galilee, in an interview for Maariv br

(August 17, 1979). He continued: “I meet a great deal with br

Arab leaders in the Galilee. What I hear from them now is in- br

comparably more serious and extreme than anything said just br

two and three years ago. Not only extremists but those who were br

considered ‘moderates’ speak today about the nonrecognition of br

Israel, and about their demand for ‘Arab autonomy’ in the br

Galilee, à la Sadat. The extremists go further and talk of a br

Palestinian state of which the Galilee would be part. Even one br

who just passes through the Galilee sees frightening man- br

ifestations. For example, you drive behind an Arab automobile br

and they put their hands out and signal ‘We will slaughter you’ br

or ‘Get out.’

“The real change came after Camp David . . . which was br

seen by the Arabs as a far-reaching sign of Israeli weakness. . . . br

Today, there is no doubt among the Galilee Arabs that a Palesti- br

nian state will arise, and they tie their own future to it.”

•aaaOn July 2, 1979, no fewer than eighty buses and trucks br

brought 6,000 Israeli Arabs to the Knesset in Jerusalem. There, br

in front of the symbol of the Jewish state, the mob of Israeli br

citizens roared: “The Galilee is Arab—Jews out!” “With blood br

and soul we will free you, mountains of Galilee!”

•aaaJewish women on buses heavily traveled by Arabs are sub- br

ject to pawing and sexual advances. The same is true in the br

marketplace of the Old City of Jerusalem. Following the Land br

Day riots of March 1976, Maariv reporter Dalia Mazori de- br

scribed her visit to the Jewish town of Upper Nazareth. She br

quotes a young Jewish girl: “‘Young Arabs suddenly began to br

rub against me, a thing that never happened in Nazareth,’ said br

a pretty young Israeli. According to her, when she protested, br

they responded with loud curses. . . . Many of the Jewish wom- br

en said they would not go down to Nazareth to purchase any- br

more, preferring the higher prices to the degrading treatment br

they have recently been accorded. ‘The main thing is to avoid br

the looks of hate,’ one said.

“In discussing whether the question was ‘land expropria- br

tion,’ all agreed that the expressions of hatred were a sign of br

something much deeper and serious, much more worrisome.”

16

•aaaIn the very heart of Israel, the area of Emek Yizrael, south br

of the Galilee, sits the “Triangle.” There, along the main road br

from Hadera to Afula and the surrounding area, are concen- br

trated no fewer than 50,000 Israeli Arabs. In the Wadi Ara area, br

surrounded by this huge Arab population, sits one lone Jewish br

settlement, Mei Ami. Its nearest neighbor is the largest Arab br

village of them all, Umm al-Fahm, one of the most openly anti- br

Israel centers. (On January 20, 1980, a bloody attack was made br

on a visiting Jewish soccer team. Cries of “Down with Zionism” br

and “Khomeini” were shouted, and police had to use tear gas br

and fire into the air to rescue the Jews, as hundreds of Israeli br

Arabs tried to break down the door to the locker room. Said a br

police official: “This is more than the usual soccer riot. . . .”)

In the summer of 1979, arsonists set three consecutive fires br

that burned down 110 dunams (2,705 acres) of Jewish National br

Fund trees owned by Mei Ami. Police traced the tracks of the br

arsonists to one of the nearby Arab villages. The bitter Jewish br

settlers accuse the Arabs of Umm al-Fahm of the destruction of br

a tractor and claim that millions of dollars in damage have re- br

sulted from Arab activities.

The secretary of the settlement, Oren Mitki, complains of br

shots fired at night at Mei Ami. Police know that hundreds of br

stolen automatic weapons have reached Arab villages in Israel. br

All the Jewish settlements in the area are plagued by Arabs who br

steal anything that is not nailed down. One member of Kibbutz br

Ayal told Maariv reporter Amos Levav, “We will open a new br

industry—attack dogs. We cannot take it anymore.”

•aaaThe village of Ma’ilya was always known as a “moderate” br

Arab village, being the subject of various Israeli myths. It was br

Christian, educated, and had prospered greatly under Jewish br

rule. Ergo—it was surely moderate. On the morning of July 9, br

1979, hundreds of the “moderate” inhabitants charged a Jewish br

National Fund tractor, bloodying two of its drivers (who had to br

be hospitalized), while one woman shouted: “Sons of dogs! br

Your day will yet come!” The tractor, under court order, was br

attempting to pave a road as part of the project to establish a br

Jewish outpost on state land near Ma’ilya. The Arabs swore not br

to allow the outpost to go up and at a meeting held earlier, for br

the first time, called the police and the state “the enemy.”

•...On January 5, 1980, sixty Bedouins attacked Israeli br

17

troops who were attempting to remove Bedouin trespassers from br

state land. Said one soldier: “‘I saw one Bedouin attack a sol- br

dier with an ax . . . others took out knives. One Bedouin scout br

serving with the army loaded his rifle and threatened to shoot br

us’” (Yediot Aharonot, January 6, 1980).

•aaaThe following was the headline of a page-one story in br

Maariv (June 19, 1979): “The Plague of Weapons Thefts from br

the Army and Their Sale to Arabs Worsens.” The story said: br

“Recently an Israeli Arab, resident of Araba, was arrested. In br

his possession were seven ‘Uzis’ [automatic weapons] and two br

pistols.” The question is: What purpose do the Arabs have in br

mind for these weapons and how many of them are in their br

possession today?

•aaaWith little fanfare, Israeli Arabs have taken part in ter- br

rorist actions against Israel and have joined the ranks of the br

PLO as active agents. The following is a small but represent- br

ative list that tells part of the story of Israeli Arab ties to ter- br

rorism:

1.aIn July 1980 five Arabs from the Israeli village of Makr br

were arrested. They were charged with operating a Fatah br

(PLO) cell in their village and of having planted bombs in br

crowded Jewish areas on five separate occasions. The police br

chief of the Galilee, David Franco, told a press conference on br

July 20 that the fact that the five were Israeli citizens was cause br

for serious concern. The residents of the village of Makr, some br

four miles from Acre, live in brand-new apartments built for br

them by the government.

2.aHeadline in Maariv, October 29, 1979: “PLO Allocates br

Funds to Organize Young Arabs in Israel.”

3.a“A young 24-year old Arab has been arrested for cooper- br

ating with Iraqi intelligence. . . . The arrest surprised many in br

the old city of Acre, where he lives” (Yediot Aharonot, February br

21, 1979).

4.aHeadline: “Mantsour Kardush, Leader of El Ard (Anti- br

Israeli Group), Suspected of Connection with Terrorist Group” br

(Yediot Aharonot, February 18, 1979).

5.aHeadline: “Israeli Arab Arrested in Connection with At- br

tacks as PLO Agent” (Yediot Aharonot, March 5, 1978).

6.a“A secret wireless radio station capable of long-range br

transmissions has been discovered in the home of an Arab of the br

village of Kalansuwa in the Triangle, Salah Gzawi, 25. . . . In br

18

Gzawi’s home were also found two pistols and an ‘Uzi’ . . .” br

(Maariv, February 22, 1976).

7.a“Haifa: The police yesterday arrested five young Arabs br

in connection with the delayed-action hand grenades discovered br

in local cinemas. . . . Three of the men are residents of the West br

Bank and the other two from the Acre area” (Jerusalem Post, July br

18, 1973).

8.aHeadline: “Ten Arabs Arrested in Galilee; Suspected of Organizing Sabotage” (Maariv, June 21, 1973).

9.a“Six young Arabs, residents of Lydda, suspected of mem- br

bership in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, br

planned to carry out in the next few days a series of attacks br

throughout the country. This was revealed by investigation of br

the suspects arrested October 30” (Maariv, November 19, 1972).

10.a“Terror Cell Bared in Galilee Village

“The security authorities have uncovered a six-man sabo- br

tage cell in Nahf, Western Galilee. . . . The investigation estab- br

lished that the group was preparing to ambush army cars on br

Galilee roads and to carry out sabotage acts in the industrial br

plants of Carmiel . . .” (Jerusalem Post, October 10, 1971).

11.aAnd from Eliyahu Amikam, columnist for Yediot br

Aharonot (July 12, 1974): “Ziad J’bali, commander of the band br

of murderers that carried out the operation in Ma’alot [where br

more than twenty schoolchildren were killed], was born in br

Tayba, Israel. Ahmed Abad Alal, the ‘hero’ of the Nahariya br

murders, spent the 23 years of his life in Acre, where he was br

born. . . . 200 Israeli Arabs recently left the country. The papers br

wrote that ‘apparently’ they will join the terrorist groups. Two br

Hebrew U. graduates, attorney Sabry Jareis and Jazi Daniel, br

are now numbered among the ideologicians of the ‘Palestine br

Liberation Movement.’”

A random sample; there are many more. Of course, the br

professional apologists will point out how many Arabs did not br

participate in anti-state activities. The Nazis might have also br

“proved” the “loyalty” of Belgians, Frenchmen, and Dutchmen br

by the low number of active underground people in these coun- br

tries. Of course, few people have the courage to participate in br

dangerous activities. The question is: How many Arabs privately br

sympathize with and support the minority? The answer is: br

Many, very many.

For years the signs have been there, the signs of an Israeli br

19

Arab population rapidly growing—in quantity, in quality, and br

in boldness. The alienation from and hatred of the Jewish state br

is so palpable as to be clear to all but those who will not see. And br

every so often voices are raised—voices of warning.

Eli Reches is director of Tel Aviv University’s Shiloah In- br

stitute for Middle Eastern Studies. On February 23, 1978, he br

spoke at a “day of study” of the Arab-Israeli question and is- br

sued the following warning: “Too little attention is being paid to br

the growing radicalization of Israeli Arabs, with the elite strata br

becoming increasingly ultranationalist.” He added that even os- br

tensible “moderates,” like the Committee of Local Council br

Chairmen, have swung close to “extremist” lines. Reches is br

what is termed an “Arabist”—to wit, an official expert on Arab br

affairs. Israel, of course, abounds in such experts, all of whom br

raise fascinating questions, issue solemn warnings, and have not br

the slightest solution to offer.

Worse, the majority of Israelis, including those in govern- br

ment, simply refuse to think seriously about the awesome prob- br

lem. Like all governments that face excruciating questions, the br

Israeli government simply pushes the Arab problem out of sight br

and mind, hoping that it will somehow go away or that if the br

dam finally does burst, it will be after the present government br

has gone.

But the hate and the danger grow and will not go away.

A Hasidic Jew, Meir Yuskuvitz, went to the Western Wall br

to pray on the night of September 15, 1979. It was the eve of the br

Jewish Days of Penitence. His automobile broke down in the br

heart of the all-Arab area, and his son-in-law went for help. br

When he returned, he found Yuskuvitz shot dead. Terrorists br

took credit for the murder.

Not a week goes by that Jews are not beaten and women br

molested in the Old City of Jerusalem. Arab boldness grows in br

relation to the police response that they simply “cannot handle br

the situation.” The pity, of course, is that more than half of the br

Old City police are Arab. . . .

But Arab boldness and brazenness are hardly limited to br

Jerusalem. When the settlers of Mei Ami complained to the lo- br

cal police about attacks by Arabs of the Triangle, Aaron Dolov br

of Maariv wrote (August 17, 1979): “To the great surprise of the br

settlers, they heard from the officers that ‘we cannot cope with br

the problems. . . . The Arabs of the Triangle hide their weapons br

20

in places that are difficult to uncover.’” Those weapons will br

someday be used against Jews.

Hate? On May Day, 1976, at a huge Arab rally in Nazareth br

to celebrate brotherhood and solidarity, Samiah Al Kassen, an br

Israeli Arab poet, delighted the crowd by reading one of his br

works. The full text appeared on May 7 in the Arab-language br

newspaper Al-Atihad. It reads, in part:

O Joshua, son of Nun
Listen!
You stopped the sun on the walls of Jericho
Did you satisfy the desire of your murderous God?

You will murder in the day and inherit the murdered
All the oceans in the world cannot clean your hands . . .

Who has the deed to the land, to history?
Who has the deed?
You have the weapons, the army, the clubs
You have the flag, the newspapers, the embassies
True, true: but in my pocket, I will preserve the deed:

As long as there are stones on this land
as long as there are empty bottles
we will throw them on your tanks.

Poetry is the marching tune of national rebellion. Israeli br

Arabs honor their poets especially when they write of the de- br

struction of the Zionist state. In February 1977 the PLO’s press br

attaché at the UN, Rashed Hussein, died in a New York City br

hotel fire. He had been born in the Israeli Arab village of br

Musmus, and on February 8 the Israeli government allowed his br

body to be buried there. Thousands of Arab citizens of Israel br

streamed through a muddy, winding path to hear Arab Knesset br

member Tewfik Zayad declare: “We shall never give in until the br

goal that Rashed Hussein and his friends [sic] advocated, br

fought for, and struggled for is fulfilled.”

Hussein’s “friends” are the PLO. We all know what they br

have “advocated, fought for, and struggled for.” When an Is- br

raeli Arab, a Knesset member (and mayor of Nazareth), pledges br

to see that these are “fulfilled,” what does that say about the br

Arabs of Israel?

Too many simply do not understand that the Arab-Israeli br

21

question is not limited to one side of the “Green Line,” the pre- br

June 1967 border. Of course, Judea and Samaria (the West br

Bank) are claimed by the “Palestinians.” But it is not only their br

cities and towns—Hebron, Bethlehem, Shechem, Jericho—that br

are in question. Nasir Ad-Din an-Nashashibi’s book, Return br

Ticket, expresses the total aim: “Do you not remember Jaffa and br

its delightful shore, Haifa and its lofty mountain, Beth Shean br

and the fields of crops and fruit, Nazareth and the Christian br

bells, Acre and the fortress, the streets of Jerusalem, my dear br

Jerusalem, Tiberias and its peaceful shore with the golden br

waves . . .?”

Every one of the places mentioned is inside the State of Is- br

rael. They are what Nashashibi wishes to see under Arab rule. br

They are what every Israeli Arab—in different ways—would like to br

see under Arab rule. Do not underestimate the intensity of the br

desire or the hatred. The passionate hatred that an Israeli saw br

in the eyes of Israeli Arabs in Sakhnin on Land Day is reflected br

in Nashashibi’s book: “I shall see the hatred in the eyes of my br

son and your sons. I shall see how they take revenge. . . . I want br

them to wash away the disaster of 1948 with the blood of those br

who prevent them from entering their land. Their homeland is br

dear to them, but revenge is dearer. We will enter their lairs in br

Tel Aviv. We will smash Tel Aviv with axes, guns, hands, finger- br

nails and teeth. . . . We shall sing the hymns of the triumphed, br

avenging return. . . .”

At a conference of the Galilee council held in Acre on De- br

cember 26, 1979, delegates were told that at least four Arab vil- br

lages in the Galilee now get substantial PLO funding in addition br

to Israeli government support. One name given was that of the br

village of Dir-Al-Asad, which was sent $20,000 from a Scandina- br

vian address. The money was used to defeat the council head br

and give victory to an “extremist.”

On August 10, 1979, thirty-six Knesset members took part br

in a tour of the Golan Heights. Their guide was the head of the br

northern military command, General Ben-Gal. At Kibbutz Ein br

Zivan he told the thirty-six legislators: “First priority, today, br

must be given to the Jewish settlement in the Galilee, because of br

the growing strength of the Arab residents there. Their hatred of br

Israel is growing. They are becoming a cancer in our body . . . . They br

are waiting for the moment to hit us.”

No matter that Defense Minister Ezer Weizman, engrossed br

22

in his love affair with the Arab on the Nile, criticized Ben-Gal, br

declaring that “the Arabs of the Galilee are citizens of Israel and br

no one has the right to question their loyalty.” No matter that br

on top of that nonsequitur he ordered the general to “correct” br

the statement. No matter. Ben-Gal knew exactly what he was br

saying, because he understood the full dimension of the situ- br

ation. When a general in the Israeli Defense Forces calls Israeli br

Arabs “a cancer,” one is again confronted by the thousands of br

stunned Jews who ask: “What happened? The Arabs of Israel br

were always quiet, loyal citizens enjoying progress and equal br

rights. What caused them to change? What happened?”

The answer is: Nothing. Nothing basic, nothing fundamen- br

tal, has changed at all. The hatred was always there. The alien- br

ation was never absent. Objective, historical reasons prevented br

the reality from emerging during the first twenty years of the br

State of Israel, but those have passed. And the real reason Jews are br

so shocked today is that Israel never wanted to see the reality. br

The government and the people built elaborate illusions and br

self-delusions. We believed what we wanted to believe. But truth br

will out, and with a vengeance. The illusions are shattered, the br

delusions battered, and there is left only one last chance to face bitter reality.